Acknowledgements |
S. IX |
Introduction |
S. 1 |
|
1. |
Syllable assignment and the true constituent model |
S. 4 |
1.1. |
Introduction: autosegmental theory and syllabification |
S. 4 |
1.2. |
Some basic concepts of autosegmental phonology |
S. 6 |
1.3. |
Syllabic structure and empty nodes |
S. 9 |
1.4. |
Reduplication phenomena |
S. 12 |
1.5. |
Syllabification and the true constituent model |
S. 17 |
1.6. |
The nature of the assigned syllable |
S. 23 |
1.7. |
Summary of the Syllable Assignment theory |
S. 29 |
2. |
Moraic versus constituent syllables |
S. 31 |
2.1. |
Introduction |
S. 31 |
2.2. |
The moraic theory of Hayes (1989) |
S. 32 |
2.3. |
Criticism of Hayes' theory |
S. 37 |
2.4. |
Comparison with a true constituent model of the syllable |
S. 48 |
2.5. |
Conclusion |
S. 63 |
3. |
Syllabification in Tonkawa |
S. 64 |
3.1. |
Introduction |
S. 64 |
3.2. |
Kisseberth's and Phelps' analyses |
S. 64 |
3.3. |
An alternative analysis |
S. 68 |
3.4. |
Remaining issues |
S. 80 |
3.5. |
Conclusion |
S. 89 |
4. |
Syllabification in Yawelmani |
S. 90 |
4.1. |
Introduction |
S. 90 |
4.2. |
Kuroda's and Kisseberth's account |
S. 93 |
4.3. |
Archangeli's account |
S. 93 |
4.4. |
Syllabification in Yawelmani |
S. 107 |
4.5. |
Conclusion |
S. 139 |
5. |
Schwa in German |
S. 141 |
5.1. |
Introduction: the existence of schwa/zero alternation on both sides of the river Rhine |
S. 141 |
5.2. |
German postlexical schwa/zero alternation |
S. 142 |
5.3. |
Lexical schwa/zero alternation in German: the facts |
S. 146 |
5.4. |
Lexical schwa/zero alternation: previous analyses |
S. 149 |
5.5. |
Lexical schwa/zero alternation as a result of syllabification |
S. 156 |
5.6. |
Postlexical schwa/zero alternation revisited |
S. 170 |
5.7. |
Conclusion |
S. 179 |
5.8. |
Appendix: on the history of the German-Netherlandic dialect continuum |
S. 181 |
6. |
Schwa and gliding in French |
S. 184 |
6.1. |
Introduction: the question of the status of schwa |
S. 184 |
6.2. |
Six types of schwa/zero alternation |
S. 185 |
6.3. |
Schwa/zero alternation in French as a syllabically conditioned phenomenon |
S. 189 |
6.4. |
Syllabification in French in the Syllable Assignment Theory |
S. 197 |
6.5. |
On the organisation of the phonological grammar |
S. 210 |
6.6. |
High vowel/glide alternation |
S. 221 |
6.7. |
Conclusion |
S. 233 |
7. |
Conclusions |
S. 235 |
|
Bibliography |
S. 239 |