- Band 547:
- Alexiadou, Artemis / Kiss, Tibor / Müller, Gereon (Hrsg.): Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax.
VI/526 S. - Berlin / Boston: de Gruyter, 2012.
Dieser Band ist im IDS verfügbar:
- Alternatives Medium:
- E-Book (PDF). Berlin / Boston: de Gruyter. ISBN: 978-3-11-029477-4
Syntactic dependencies are often non-local: They can involve two positions in a syntactic structure whose correspondence cannot be captured by invoking concepts like minimal clause or predicate/argument structure. Relevant phenomena include long-distance movement, long-distance reflexivization, long-distance agreement, control, non-local deletion, long-distance case assignment, consecutio temporum, extended scope of negation, and semantic binding of pronouns. A recurring strategy pursued in many contemporary syntactic theories is to model cases of non-local dependencies in a strictly local way, by successively passing on the relevant information in small domains of syntactic structures.
The present volume brings together eighteen articles that investigate non-local dependencies in movement, agreement, binding, scope, and deletion constructions from different theoretical backgrounds (among them versions of the Minimalist Program, HPSG, and Categorial Grammar), and based on evidence from a variety of typologically distinct languages. This way, advantages and disadvantages of local treatments of non-local dependencies become evident. Furthermore, it turns out that local analyses of non-local phenomena developed in different syntactic theories (spanning the derivational/declarative divide) often may not only share identical research questions but also rely on identical research strategies.
|Alexiadou, Artemis / Kiss, Tibor / Müller, Gereon:|
|Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax: An Introduction||S. 1|
|Heck, Fabian / Cuartero, Juan:|
|Long Distance Agreement in Relative Clauses||S. 49|
|Alexiadou, Artemis / Anagnostopoulou, Elena / Iordăchioaia, Gianina / Marchis, Mihaela:|
|In Support of Long Distance Agree||S. 85|
|Agree, Move, Selection, and Set-Merge||S. 111|
|Probing the Past: On Reconciling Long-Distance Agreement with the PIC||S. 135|
|Reflexivity and Dependency||S. 155|
|Derivational Binding and the Elimination of Uninterpretable Features||S. 187|
|German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding||S. 213|
|Restricted Syntax – Unrestricted Semantics?||S. 247|
|Local Case, Cyclic Agree and the Syntax of Truly Ergative Verbs||S. 273|
|A Local Derivation of Global Case Splits||S. 305|
|Function Composition and the Linear Local Modeling of Extended NEG-Scope||S. 337|
|Yoshida, Masaya / Gallego, Ángel J.:|
|Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing||S. 353|
|Restructuring and Clitic Climbing in Romance: A Categorial Grammar Analysis||S. 371|
|A Derivational View on Movement Constraints||S. 401|
|Abels, Klaus / Bentzen, Kristine:|
|Are Movement Paths Punctuated or Uniform?||S. 431|
|A Hypothetical Proof Account of Chamorro Wh-Agreement||S. 453|
|Kobele, Gregory M.:|
|Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries||S. 477|
|Local Modelling of Allegedly Local but Really Non-Local Phenomena: Lack of Superiority Effects Revisited||S. 501|