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Syntactic dependencies are often non-local: They can involve two positions in a syntactic structure whose correspondence cannot be captured by invoking concepts like minimal clause or predicate/argument structure. Relevant phenomena include long-distance movement, long-distance reflexivization, long-distance agreement, control, non-local deletion, long-distance case assignment, consecutio temporum, extended scope of negation, and semantic binding of pronouns. A recurring strategy pursued in many contemporary syntactic theories is to model cases of non-local dependencies in a strictly local way, by successively passing on the relevant information in small domains of syntactic structures.
The present volume brings together eighteen articles that investigate non-local dependencies in movement, agreement, binding, scope, and deletion constructions from different theoretical backgrounds (among them versions of the Minimalist Program, HPSG, and Categorial Grammar), and based on evidence from a variety of typologically distinct languages. This way, advantages and disadvantages of local treatments of non-local dependencies become evident. Furthermore, it turns out that local analyses of non-local phenomena developed in different syntactic theories (spanning the derivational/declarative divide) often may not only share identical research questions but also rely on identical research strategies.
Inhaltsverzeichnis |
Alexiadou, Artemis / Kiss, Tibor / Müller, Gereon: | |||
Local Modelling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax: An Introduction | S. 1 | ||
Heck, Fabian / Cuartero, Juan: | |||
Long Distance Agreement in Relative Clauses | S. 49 | ||
Alexiadou, Artemis / Anagnostopoulou, Elena / Iordăchioaia, Gianina / Marchis, Mihaela: | |||
In Support of Long Distance Agree | S. 85 | ||
Biskup, Petr: | |||
Agree, Move, Selection, and Set-Merge | S. 111 | ||
Richards, Marc: | |||
Probing the Past: On Reconciling Long-Distance Agreement with the PIC | S. 135 | ||
Kiss, Tibor: | |||
Reflexivity and Dependency | S. 155 | ||
Sabel, Joachim: | |||
Derivational Binding and the Elimination of Uninterpretable Features | S. 187 | ||
Hole, Daniel: | |||
German Free Datives and Knight Move Binding | S. 213 | ||
Klein, Udo: | |||
Restricted Syntax – Unrestricted Semantics? | S. 247 | ||
Schäfer, Florian: | |||
Local Case, Cyclic Agree and the Syntax of Truly Ergative Verbs | S. 273 | ||
Georgi, Doreen: | |||
A Local Derivation of Global Case Splits | S. 305 | ||
Gärtner, Hans-Martin: | |||
Function Composition and the Linear Local Modeling of Extended NEG-Scope | S. 337 | ||
Yoshida, Masaya / Gallego, Ángel J.: | |||
Ellipsis and Phases: Evidence from Antecedent Contained Sluicing | S. 353 | ||
Nishida, Chiyo: | |||
Restructuring and Clitic Climbing in Romance: A Categorial Grammar Analysis | S. 371 | ||
Unger, Christina: | |||
A Derivational View on Movement Constraints | S. 401 | ||
Abels, Klaus / Bentzen, Kristine: | |||
Are Movement Paths Punctuated or Uniform? | S. 431 | ||
Worth, Chris: | |||
A Hypothetical Proof Account of Chamorro Wh-Agreement | S. 453 | ||
Kobele, Gregory M.: | |||
Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries | S. 477 | ||
Kallulli, Dalina: | |||
Local Modelling of Allegedly Local but Really Non-Local Phenomena: Lack of Superiority Effects Revisited | S. 501 | ||
Index | S. 525 |