IDS Mannheim - Interface Explorations

Interface Explorations

Band 12:: Nakanishi, Kimiko: Formal Properties of Measurement Constructions. XII/284 S. - Berlin / New York: de Gruyter, 2007.
ISBN: 978-3-11-018598-0

Alternatives Medium:: E-Book (PDF). Berlin / New York: de Gruyter. ISBN: 978-3-11-019848-5

This book investigates the semantics and syntax-semantics interface of measurement constructions, such as (non-)split quantifiers and comparatives. The cross-linguistic investigation reveals that seemingly diverse constructions can be categorized into two classes depending on whether they measure nominal or verbal predicates, and shows that the classification accounts for why certain constructions have certain characteristics concerning distributivity and single-event predicates. Throughout the book, particular emphasis is placed on issues of compositionality.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Acknowledgements		S. V
1. The semantic parallelism between the nominal and verbal domains
1.	Issues	S. 1
2.	Overview	S. 10
3.	Classification in the nominal domain	S. 13
4.	Classification in the verbal domain	S. 21
5.	Summary of chapter 1	S. 34
2. The semantic properties of non-split and split measure phrase constructions
1.	Split measure phrase constructions	S. 35
2.	Monotonicity in the nominal domain	S. 40
3.	Monotonicity in the verbal domain	S. 52
4.	Mechanism of event measurement (revised attempt)	S. 67
5.	Plurality and distributive-collective readings	S. 80
6.	Notes on homomorphisms	S. 106
7.	Summary of chapter 2	S. 108
3. The syntax and compositional semantics of non-split and split quantifier constructions
1.	Introduction	S. 109
2.	The syntax of non-split quantifier constructions	S. 110
3.	The syntax of split quantifier constructions	S. 116
4.	The compositional semantics of non-split and split measure phrase constructions	S. 146
5.	Homomorphisms and argument structure: Internal and external split measure phrase constructions	S. 159
6.	Summary of chapter 3	S. 169
4. Comparatives and measure phrases as differentials
1.	Introduction	S. 172
2.	Comparative constructions	S. 175
3.	The semantics of -sugiru ‘to exceed’ as a comparative quantifier	S. 188
4.	Extension to too many / too much in English	S. 227
5.	Summary of chapter 4	S. 233
5. Cross-linguistic aspects of quantification and compositionality
1.	Introduction	S. 235
2.	Universality of monotonicity	S. 236
3.	Pragmatics of split quantifier constructions	S. 239
4.	Quantification and compositionality	S. 249
5.	Quantification over events and over situations	S. 255
6. Concluding remarks

References		S. 261
Index		S. 281

Acknowledgements			S. V
1. The semantic parallelism between the nominal and verbal domains
1.	Issues		S. 1
1.1.		Formal properties of measurement constructions	S. 3
1.2.		Measurement in the verbal domain and compositionality	S. 5
1.3.		Cross-categorial distribution of measure phrases	S. 7
2.	Overview		S. 10
3.	Classification in the nominal domain		S. 13
3.1.		The mass-count distinction and plurality of individuals	S. 13
3.2.		Classifier languages	S. 17
4.	Classification in the verbal domain		S. 21
4.1.		The atelic-telic distinction	S. 21
4.2.		Introducing Davidsonian event arguments	S. 24
4.3.		Event theories and argument structure	S. 26
4.4.		Plurality of events	S. 32
5.	Summary of chapter 1		S. 34
2. The semantic properties of non-split and split measure phrase constructions
1.	Split measure phrase constructions		S. 35
2.	Monotonicity in the nominal domain		S. 40
2.1.		The data	S. 40
2.2.		Schwarzschild's (2002, 2006) monotonicity constraint	S. 41
2.3.		The application to Japanese and German data	S. 46
2.4.		Pragmatic considerations	S. 48
2.5.		Notes on non-monotonic constructions	S. 50
2.6.		Summary of section 2	S. 51
3.	Monotonicity in the verbal domain		S. 52
3.1.		The data	S. 52
3.2.		The monotonicity constraint in the verbal domain (initial attempt)	S. 60
3.3.		Summary of section 3	S. 67
4.	Mechanism of event measurement (revised attempt)		S. 67
4.1.		The proposal	S. 69
4.2.		The analysis of the data	S. 73
4.3.		Monotonicity as a formal property of measurement constructions	S. 78
4.4.		Summary	S. 80
5.	Plurality and distributive-collective readings		S. 80
5.1.		Previous studies on distributivity	S. 81
5.2.		Case 1: Collectivity with progressives	S. 90
5.3.		Case 2: Collectivity with together	S. 98
5.4.		Case 3: Collectivity with collective predicates	S. 100
5.5.		Case 4: Collectivity with internal arguments	S. 103
5.6.		Summary of section 5	S. 106
6.	Notes on homomorphisms		S. 106
7.	Summary of chapter 2		S. 108
3. The syntax and compositional semantics of non-split and split quantifier constructions
1.	Introduction		S. 109
2.	The syntax of non-split quantifier constructions		S. 110
3.	The syntax of split quantifier constructions		S. 116
3.1.		Stranding vs. adverbial analyses of floating quantifier constructions	S. 117
3.2.		The syntax of the floating quantifier construction in Japanese	S. 126
3.3.		The syntax of Split NP Topicalization in German	S. 141
3.4.		Summary of section 3	S. 146
4.	The compositional semantics of non-split and split measure phrase constructions		S. 146
4.1.		Schwarzschild's (2002, 2006) analysis of pseudopartitives	S. 147
4.2.		Non-split measure phrase constructions	S. 149
4.3.		Split measure phrase constructions	S. 154
5.	Homomorphisms and argument structure: Internal and external split measure phrase constructions		S. 159
5.1.		The formal properties of homomorphisms	S. 159
5.2.		Homomorphisms in internal split measure phrase constructions	S. 161
5.3.		The specification of a homomorphism	S. 165
6.	Summary of chapter 3		S. 169
4. Comparatives and measure phrases as differentials
1.	Introduction		S. 172
2.	Comparative constructions		S. 175
2.1.		Adjectival comparatives	S. 175
2.2.		Comparative quantification in the nominal domain	S. 180
2.3.		The semantics of too	S. 183
2.4.		Adjectival comparatives in Japanese	S. 186
3.	The semantics of -sugiru ‘to exceed’ as a comparative quantifier		S. 188
3.1.		Syntactic assumptions	S. 188
3.2.		Adjectival comparatives	S. 192
3.3.		Comparative quantification in the verbal domain	S. 194
3.4.		-Sugiru with overt degrees	S. 215
3.5.		Summary of section 3	S. 225
4.	Extension to too many / too much in English		S. 227
5.	Summary of chapter 4		S. 233
5. Cross-linguistic aspects of quantification and compositionality
1.	Introduction		S. 235
2.	Universality of monotonicity		S. 236
3.	Pragmatics of split quantifier constructions		S. 239
3.1.		Pragmatics of split NP topicalization in German	S. 239
3.2.		Reconsideration of the semantic properties	S. 244
3.3.		Summary of section 3	S. 248
4.	Quantification and compositionality		S. 249
4.1.		For the most part in English and hotondo ‘most’ in Japanese	S. 249
4.2.		Pluractional markers	S. 251
4.3.		Cross-categorial quantification	S. 253
4.4.		Summary of section 4	S. 254
5.	Quantification over events and over situations		S. 255
6. Concluding remarks

References			S. 261
Index			S. 281

Interface Explorations

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